Mob Dominated Union

A New York District Attorney is on a mission to clean out 50 years of mob influence in the LIUNA union (NY Daily News):

Fresh from a record mob takedown, the feds have targeted one of the city’s most important construction unions for some Mafia housecleaning, sources said.

Brooklyn U.S. Attorney Loretta Lynch’s investigators have begun plotting strategies to break the Gambino crime family’s 50-year stranglehold on the Pavers and Road Builders District Council, the sources said.

Sources said prosecutors have been meeting with the union’s international – the Laborers’ International Union of North America (LIUNA) – to find a way to force its long-entrenched mob controllers out the door. “They are trying to find a way to participate more actively,” one LIUNA investigator said. “They understand what the stakes are.”

The move comes on the heels of the FBI’s January arrest of 127 reputed mobsters, including officials in unions representing longshoremen and concrete workers.

For the past 15 years, LIUNA has tried to boot Gambino gangsters who control the workers who pave the region’s roads.

The mob, the FBI says, has controlled the pavers since the early ’60s. Year after year, LIUNA has shuttered corrupt locals and fired mobbed-up officials. The mob always seems to bounce back.

“When we started trying to clean things up in 1996, we naively thought we were fighting the Six-Day War,” said Robert Luskin, LIUNA’s corruption buster. “It turns out to be the Thirty Years’ War, and we haven’t won it yet.”

The mob has pocketed kickbacks from contractors trying to ignore safety standards, use nonunion labor and dodge payments into welfare plans, Luskin said.

LIUNA thought it made real progress 1998, when it booted Pavers District Council boss Salvatore Franco. Mob snitch Salvatore (Sammy Bull) Gravano identified Franco, who also ran Pavers Local 1018 in Flushing, as a Gambino member since the 1970s.Gravano testified that one Christmas, Franco handed mob boss John Gotti a $30,000 “present” – kickbacks he had extorted from contractors.

Franco’s departure from the union barely made a dent. His son Anthony, a reputed mob associate and vice president of his dad’s local since he was 19, simply stepped up.

Most important was Anthony Franco’s job as administrator of the district council’s benefit plans – a position that controls millions of rank-and-file dollars.

“When you control the benefit funds … you [can] give pensions to people who aren’t entitled to them and provide no-show jobs. … We have seen this with the pavers,” Luskin said.

In 2003, LIUNA revoked Anthony Franco’s union membership after accusing him of extorting $25,000 from a contractor. It cited his mob ties and a “suspiciously large accumulation of wealth,” said to include two $1 million houses on Long Island.

LIUNA couldn’t immediately bounce him from the pension fund because the plans are controlled by a board with Franco loyalists.

When LIUNA demanded Franco’s removal, trustees loyal to him instead gave him a six-year contract starting at $144,572.

In 2006, Franco was eventually pried from the benefit funds. Kicked out of his union, Franco shifted gears.

He joined with Fred Clemenza, who had been bounced from another mobbed-up union after being accused of moving union money into his personal accounts, to create United Plant & Production Workers Local 175.In this new local, which is not subject to LIUNA scrutiny, Franco runs the benefits plan and Clemenza is an organizer.

As LIUNA tried to take over corrupt Local 1018, its top brass resigned, moved to Franco’s new union and persuaded more than 100 of the local’s rank and file to join them.

Franco did not respond to requests for comment.

Purple People Pushers

From RedState.Com:

Early reports coming in from Florida indicate the hastily scheduled townhall with Kathy Castor ended badly, as predicted, because of SEIU thugs.

The event was conveniently held in a forum where only 250 people could fit. 1000 people showed up. SEIU members were given reserved seating that took up at least half of the 250 seats. As people came in who visibly oppose the Democrats healthcare plan, SEIU members barred access to the room.

According to local media

Some say they were barred because they are against President Barack Obama’s agenda to change the current health insurance system.

Democrat event organizers slammed one senior citizen into the wall as he and his wife tried to enter. The couple were opposed to Obamacare and made it known.  Kathy Castor, for her part, showed up, spoke briefly, then fled the scene claiming it was not really her event.

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Building Corruption

The New York Carpenters’ Union has a long history of connections to the mob and corruption — one which continues to this day.  A new 29-count indictment charges the union’s boss and nine other officials with racketeering, bribery, fraud and perjury.  Incredibly, the indictment alleges almost exact crimes to a racketeering lawsuit that was brought against the union in 1990.  The more things change the more they stay the same.

The New York Times has the details:

The indictment was unsealed in Federal District Court in Manhattan hours after a 6 a.m. roundup in which seven of the defendants were arrested, some as they prepared to go to work. It charges that in exchange for bribes valued at about $1 million, they helped corrupt contractors steal millions of dollars more from the union and its benefit funds by allowing contractors to pay members cash wages below union scale without benefits, hire illegal aliens and nonunion workers and skip contributions to the union’s benefit funds.

The 20,000-member district council, which oversees 11 local unions around New York City, has remained not only a major player in the city’s labor movement but also a major force in its politics, despite a history of mob influence, labor racketeering and bribery.

Indeed, six weeks ago, Mayor Michael R. Bloomberg’s re-election campaign put out a news release announcing that the union had endorsed his bid for a third term.

The release included a video clip showing Michael J. Forde, the district council’s executive secretary-treasurer, who is now indicted, giving the mayor a rousing introduction at a union event and sealing his support for Mr. Bloomberg with a hug.

Mr. Bloomberg, asked on Wednesday for his response to the indictment, said he was surprised and that he hoped the union members themselves would not be hurt, calling the situation “sad.”

“I don’t know whether any of the charges that I read about late this afternoon are true or not — I’ll leave that to the courts,” he said. “It’s the men and women of the carpenter’s union that have endorsed me, and I’m thrilled to have it.”

The charges, a result of a lengthy investigation by Manhattan prosecutors, the FBI and the Department of Labor Inspector General’s Office of Labor Racketeering and Fraud Investigations, were not Mr. Forde’s first brush with such accusations. He and another district council official went to trial on bribery charges involving the union in state court twice in recent years, with the first case ending in a conviction that was later overturned, and the second in acquittal.

Lev L. Dassin, the acting United States attorney, who announced the charges in a news release, said that the union’s leaders had failed to protect their members.

“Instead of protecting the financial interests of union members and their families, corrupt union officials and the contractors who bribed them are charged with betraying the carpenters’ union and its benefit funds to enrich themselves,” he said.

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The phrase of the week has been “life experience” regarding President Obama’s Supreme Court nomination.  So today’s National Right To Work Committee alert looks at the real “life experience” of Federal Election Board nominee John Sullivan.  (See the video alert below or on this YouTube link.  Download full John J. Sullivan alert.)

From his time as a Steelworkers Union President (1978) through today, Sullivan’s working life experience has been focused on defending labor union boss actions and promoting their forced-dues power. 

Even during his brief time as a Teamsters election officer counsel, the public record available indicates that his actions supported power grabs by corrupt, incumbent union bosses.   In one case, he represented the Election Officer in his demand to disclose personal information about those who supported the incumbent Teamster boss’ opponents. 

Sullivan’s legal positions must have impressed some Teamster union bosses because soon-to-be barred-for-life Teamster Boss Ron Carey hired Sullivan to be the Teamster Associate General Counsel.  While Sullivan was Teamster counsel, the Teamsters and multiple organizations, including the Clinton White House and the Democrat National Committee, devised and pursued a multi-million dollar election campaign finance money laundering scheme. This scheme directly involved familiar names like Terry McAuliffe and Harold Ickes.

Despite the legal efforts of Sullivan and other Teamsters lawyers, the Federal government took the extreme and rare step of barring Sullivan’s boss, Ron Carey, for life from the teamsters union.

After this scandal at the Teamsters, Service Employees Union’s (SEIU) Andy Stern hired Sullivan.  Sullivan immediately became heavily involved in SEIU’s political activities, including SEIU affiliated groups like ACORN and America Coming Together. 

America Coming Together (ACT), a George Soros and Andy Stern creation eventually receive one of the largest fines in Federal Election Commission history – $775,000. 

“We similarly are concerned that the amount of the penalty imposed against ACT in this case represents only a tiny fraction of the nearly $100 million that the FEC found ACT illegally spent to influence the 2004 election,” wrote the Center for Responsive Politics.   

Sullivan’s life experiences with the Teamsters and America Coming Together indicate that Sullivan should be kept far away from the Federal Election Commission; certainly not appointed to the Commission’s Board as President Obama intends. 

Download and read our John J. Sullivan alert for more information and forward it to friends.  And, contact your U.S. Seantors and let them know that Sullivan is wrong for the Federal Election Commission.

Secret Ballot and the Teamsters

Cesar Conda at the Corner looks back to 1989 and the landmark consent decree between the Justice Department and the Teamsters union regarding mob-related criminal activity that was prevalent within the union. As we approach the 20th anniversary of the agreement, Conda encourages readers to “review the media’s coverage of the March 1989 settlement between the Teamsters and the Justice Department, and the subsequent coverage of the Teamsters’ first secret ballot presidential election in 1991. The secret-ballot reform was widely hailed by labor experts and editorial pages as a major breakthrough in the labor movement that would make the nation’s largest union more democratic and accountable to its rank and file members. At that time, Dennis Rivera, the head of the New York health-care workers union and the current chairman of the SEIU’s health-care task force, even suggested that federal labor law be changed to require secret-ballot elections of every labor leader in the country.”

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More Mob Unions

According to Amy Westfeldt of the Associated Press:

A union local representing 1,500 crane and heavy-equipment operators has been put under federal prosecutors’ control after more than two dozen members were convicted of mob-related corruption in recent years.

A consent decree between prosecutors and Local 14 of the International Union of Operating Engineers allows a federal judge to appoint two officers who can dismiss and appoint union officials, seize union assets and visit job sites to root out corruption.

The agreement resolves civil racketeering claims brought from past mob corruption cases, including an indictment that sent reputed acting Colombo family boss Joel Cacace to prison for 20 years. . . .

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Did Rendell Order the Hit?

When a non-violent protestor was attacked by a union mob in Philadelphia a decade ago, it was the mayor of the city, Ed Rendell, who invited the union activists with a penchant for violence to the rally and then encouraged the Teamsters to pursue assault charges against the victim, the Philadelphia Bulletin reports.

The case of Don Adams and his lawsuit against the union bosses has been discussed before, but this new twist shows the incestuous relationship between the Teamsters’ bosses and the current governor of Pennsylvania.

The history of the case is well known. Mr. Adams, his sister Teri and about 40 others went to Center City to protest a visit by President Bill Clinton on Oct. 2, 1998, in anticipation of the president’s impeachment for perjury and obstruction of justice.

Hundreds of Teamsters, meanwhile, showed up to support Mr. Clinton. Union activists ripped the sign from Mr. Adams’ hands and subsequently struck him numerous times, causing him several facial bruises and cuts, a herniated disc and other bodily injuries. Teri Adams endured minor injuries, as well. Five Teamsters received probation for the attacks. Mr. Adams recalled witnessing several other anti-Clinton picketers manhandled and struck by organized laborers.

During his drawn-out spell as a plaintiff, Mr. Adams found himself subject to a criminal complaint brought by Teamsters Heather Diocson and Sharon Hopkins, both of whom accused him of striking them. Footage from news cameras revealed no such attacks by him.

But now the Bulletin reports:

But a much more salient figure towers over Ms. Diocson and Ms. Hopkins in Mr. Adams’s memory of this protracted string of legal battles: Mr. Rendell. Contending Mr. Adams was a victim of malicious prosecution and that the Teamsters never owned up to their aggression at the protest, the Adamses filed a lawsuit in Oct. 2000 against Mr. Rendell, Philadelphia District Attorney Lynne Abraham, the International Brotherhood of Teamsters and Teamsters Local 115.

Mayor of Philadelphia at the time of Mr. Clinton’s visit, Mr. Rendell, according to several civil trial accounts, requested Teamsters’ local secretary-treasurer John Morris to bring his union’s members to City Hall the night of the president’s arrival. Court documents also note a conversation the president’s staff had with Mr. Morris to that end.

“[White House scheduler Paul] Rivera explained that President Clinton would be visiting Philadelphia on the evening of Friday, Oct. 2, 1998 to attend two Democratic National Committee fundraisers and that a substantial showing of Teamster support for President Clinton was very desirable,” Mr. Morris’s chief of staff Kenneth J. Woodring Jr. attested in a court declaration. “I later learned that Mayor Edward G. Rendell also contacted Mr. Morris directly to invite the Teamsters to City Hall during the president’s visit.”

Mr. Rendell indicated the reason he wanted the union there in a deposition on Jan. 2, 2002.

“The president is coming to town,” Mr. Rendell said he told Mr. Morris. “We want a real good reception for the president. There may be some demonstrators there. And we certainly want in number and – and in loudness. We want to drown out the demonstrators.”

Mr. Rendell stated later in his testimony that he never learned of any history of violence in political situations on the part of the union leader or his associates.

But, attorneys for Mr. Adams contended in a statement of facts filed in United States District Court for the Eastern District of Pennsylvania, “Rendell gave these instructions knowing of Morris’s and Local 115’s reputation for violence…. That reputation is well-documented and actually adjudicated….” A federal circuit court ruling in 1986 ordered the Teamsters chapter to cease what were deemed violent rallying practices.

Mr. Adams found it chilling that this organization’s members should be brought to a likely protest site to “drown out” demonstrators. As such, allegations made against Mr. Rendell in the lawsuit thus included violation of free-speech rights.

But the plaintiff also believes that the mayor played a crucial role in initiating the failed assault charges against him and possibly attempting to lessen the penalties suffered by the five convicted Teamster assailants. Notes in which Mr. Woodring detailed a telephone call between Mr. Rendell and Mr. Morris on Oct. 5, 1998 indicated to Mr. Adams’s lawyers that the governor had told the union official:

1. “Nothing is going to happen to these guys” (i.e. the accused Teamsters)

2. “[I] will send [Police Commissioner John] Timoney up. Someone [from] police should interview” the women Teamsters accusing Mr. Adams of assault, and

3. A “private criminal compl.” by those individuals should be filed.

Asking Mr. Rendell on Jun. 15, 2002 about these notes, the Adams’ attorney Larry Klayman said, “‘Nothing is going to happen to these guys.’ Does that refresh your recollection that you told Morris nothing is going to happen to you and the Teamsters, that I’ll protect you?”

“No,” the former mayor answered. “I specifically said to John Morris that if they want to file a private criminal complaint, we’ll issue.”

Mr. Klayman later in that day’s proceedings inquired of Mr. Rendell, “[Y]ou told Morris that you were going to send Timoney to see him, right? You were going to send Timoney up?”

“No,” the ex-mayor, then in the middle of a gubernatorial run, replied. “I said, call him on the phone,” he explained farther into the deposition.

Asked by the plaintiffs’ lawyer why he didn’t make any similar effort to apprise Mr. or Miss Adams of the legal avenues available to them, Mr. Rendell replied that because they had not contacted him, he did not feel it necessary to speak with them.

Mr. Morris died the month before Mr. Adams’s lawyers took the future governor’s June testimony, but on Aug. 13, 2002, Mr. Woodring issued his declaration to illuminate what his former boss and the mayor said to each other four autumns ago.

“As was our usual practice, and at Mr. Morris’ direction, I listened in on the conversation from another telephone extension and took accurate, contemporaneous notes in a spiral notebook,” Mr. Woodring wrote. “Mr. Morris was very upset and concerned about how the Teamsters were being portrayed in the media. Mayor Rendell tried to appease Mr. Morris and calm him down, telling Mr. Morris with respect to the Teamsters who had been caught on videotape attacking Don and Teri Adams, that ‘nothing is going to happen to these guys.’ Mayor Rendell continued to try to assure Mr. Morris that there would be no negative consequences for the Teamsters, stating ‘I know how these things go.’”

The former Morris chief of staff then turned his attention to whether the mayor recommended that Ms. Diocson and Ms. Hopkins pursue their accusations against the demonstrator.

“Mayor Rendell promised to send Police Commissioner Timoney to the Local 115 headquarters and stated that the police should interview the Teamster women Mr. Morris claimed had been attacked,” Mr. Woodring declared. “Mayor Rendell also suggested that the Teamsters should file private criminal complaints against Don Adams.”

At other points the statements of Mr. Rendell and Mr. Woodring again differ. Mr. Rendell, for instance, recalled chastising the Teamsters leader for his union’s behavior.

“I said,” the governor testified, “‘You detracted from what should have been a’ – the story in the headlines should have been, Philadelphia gives president great welcome. And instead of that, which was the facts [sic] and the truth, that there were a thousand times more supporters than protesters out there. Instead of that, the story was about this incident. And – and I told him that – that they had screwed up, and that the whole point of asking them to come out and show their support had been undercut by the actions of these guys.”

Mr. Woodring recollected, however, “With respect to the… phone call with Mr. Morris, Mr. Rendell did not tell Mr. Morris that he was angry with him nor did he say that the Teamsters’ actions had ruined the show of support for President Clinton. Further, I can state with certainty that the only reference by Mr. Rendell to the filing of a private criminal complaint was with respect [to] the Teamsters filing a private criminal complaint against Don Adams.”

Mr. Rendell did, in his testimony, qualify his comments about the actions of union members during the Clinton visit.

“Well, but it wasn’t like – it’s not a good incident,” he said. “I wouldn’t classify it as a civic disgrace.”

The governor’s office told The Bulletin he had no comment.

Reads Like a Script for the “Sopranos”

A five-year investigation into the racketeering and extortion practices of Operating Engineers Local 17 has resulted in the indictment of 12 Big Labor Bosses.

As reported in the Buffalo News:

Some of the language in a 62-page government indictment reads like a script for the former “Sopranos” television show. . . .

Leaders of a powerful construction union local are accused of a decade-long run of extortion and labor racketeering that federal authorities say added millions of dollars to the cost of projects throughout Western New York.

The allegations include death threats, stabbings, assaults and extreme acts of vandalism against construction company executives and their families. . . .

“They victimized people at small construction sites and large sites, including many that were publicly funded,” U.S. Attorney Terrance P. Flynn said. “We believe they had a negative financial impact on almost every major construction project in Western New York over the past 10 years.”

The crimes ranged from throwing scalding coffee at non-union workers to destroying expensive machinery by pouring sand into the transmissions and gas tanks, according to Flynn. . . .

Authorities described union organizers Carl A. Larson, 43, and James L. Minter III, 36, and the local’s president and business manager, Mark N. Kirsch, 48, as the leaders of the “Local 17 Criminal Enterprise.”

Their alleged attacks were intended to force construction companies into hiring Local 17 workers and punishing those who refused.

While referring to the corruption inherent within labor organizations that depend on the forced tribute of workers, the late U.S. Sen. John McClellan (D-Ark.) hit the nail on the head when he pointed out, “Compulsory unionism and corruption go hand in hand.”

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